Public ownership isn’t just more effective, it’s more democratic – it’s time to take vital services like rail, mail, energy, and water out of the control of remote CEOs and unaccountable shareholders.
by Jeremy Corbyn
On Thursday, the Royal College of Nursing went on strike for the first time in their 106-year history. Understaffed, underpaid, and overworked, tens of thousands of NHS nurses walked out after being denied decent, liveable pay rises. Hailed as heroes one year, forced to use foodbanks the next, nurses’ wages have fallen more than £3,000 in real terms since 2010; three in four now say they work overtime to meet rising energy bills.
2022 will be remembered as the year that the Conservative Party plunged this country into political turmoil. However, behind the melodrama is a cost of living crisis that has pushed desperate people into destitution and the so-called middle-classes to the brink. 2022 should be remembered as the year in which relative child poverty reached its highest levels since 2007 and real wage growth reached its lowest levels in half a century (average earnings have shrunk by £80 a month, and a staggering £180 a month for public sector workers). These are the real scandals.
For some MPs, this was the year they kickstarted their reality TV career. For others, this was the year they told their children they couldn’t afford any Christmas presents. For energy companies, it was the year they laughed all the way to the bank; in the same amount of time it took for Rishi Sunak to both lose and then win a leadership contest, Shell returned £8.2 billion in profit. SSE, a multinational energy company headquartered in Scotland, saw their profits triple in just one year. Profits across the world’s seven biggest oil firms rose to almost £150 billion.
Tackling the cost of living crisis means offering an alternative to our existing economic model—a model that empowers unaccountable companies to profit off the misery of consumers and the destruction of our earth. And that means defending a value, a doctrine, and a tradition that unites us all: democracy.
Labour recently announced ‘the biggest ever transfer of power from Westminster to the British people.’ I welcomed the renewal of many of the policies from the manifesto in 2019: abolishing the House of Lords, and handing powers to devolved governments, local authorities, and mayors. These plans should work hand in hand, to ensure any second chamber reflects the geographical diversity of the country. If implemented, this would decentralise a Whitehall-centric model of governance that wastes so much of this country’s regional talent, energy, and creativity.
However, devolution, decentralisation, and democracy are not just matters for the constitution. They should characterise our economy too. Regional governments are demanding greater powers for the same reason an unelected second chamber is patently arcane: we want a say over the things that affect our everyday lives. This, surely, includes the way in which our basic resources are produced and distributed.
From energy to water and from rail to mail, a small number of companies monopolise the production of basic resources to the detriment of the workers they exploit and the customers they fleece. We rely on these services and workers keep them running, but it is remote Chief Executive Officers and unaccountable shareholders who decide how they are run, and profit off their provision. Would it not make more sense for workers and consumers to decide how to run the services they provide and consume?
2022 will be remembered as the year that the Conservative Party plunged this country into political turmoil. However, behind the melodrama is a cost of living crisis that has pushed desperate people into destitution and the so-called middle-classes to the brink. 2022 should be remembered as the year in which relative child poverty reached its highest levels since 2007 and real wage growth reached its lowest levels in half a century (average earnings have shrunk by £80 a month, and a staggering £180 a month for public sector workers). These are the real scandals.
For some MPs, this was the year they kickstarted their reality TV career. For others, this was the year they told their children they couldn’t afford any Christmas presents. For energy companies, it was the year they laughed all the way to the bank; in the same amount of time it took for Rishi Sunak to both lose and then win a leadership contest, Shell returned £8.2 billion in profit. SSE, a multinational energy company headquartered in Scotland, saw their profits triple in just one year. Profits across the world’s seven biggest oil firms rose to almost £150 billion.
Tackling the cost of living crisis means offering an alternative to our existing economic model—a model that empowers unaccountable companies to profit off the misery of consumers and the destruction of our earth. And that means defending a value, a doctrine, and a tradition that unites us all: democracy.
Labour recently announced ‘the biggest ever transfer of power from Westminster to the British people.’ I welcomed the renewal of many of the policies from the manifesto in 2019: abolishing the House of Lords, and handing powers to devolved governments, local authorities, and mayors. These plans should work hand in hand, to ensure any second chamber reflects the geographical diversity of the country. If implemented, this would decentralise a Whitehall-centric model of governance that wastes so much of this country’s regional talent, energy, and creativity.
However, devolution, decentralisation, and democracy are not just matters for the constitution. They should characterise our economy too. Regional governments are demanding greater powers for the same reason an unelected second chamber is patently arcane: we want a say over the things that affect our everyday lives. This, surely, includes the way in which our basic resources are produced and distributed.
From energy to water and from rail to mail, a small number of companies monopolise the production of basic resources to the detriment of the workers they exploit and the customers they fleece. We rely on these services and workers keep them running, but it is remote Chief Executive Officers and unaccountable shareholders who decide how they are run, and profit off their provision. Would it not make more sense for workers and consumers to decide how to run the services they provide and consume?
As prices and profits soar, it’s time to put basic resources like energy, water, rail, and mail back where they belong: in public hands. Crucially, this mould of public ownership would not be a return to 1940s-style patronage appointed Boards, but a restoration of civic accountability. Water, for example, should be a regional entity controlled by consumers, workers, and local authorities, and work closely with environmental agencies on water conservation, sewage discharges, the preseveration of coastlines, and the protection of our natural world. This democratic body would be answerable to the public, and the public alone, rather than to the dividends of distant hedge funds.
Bringing energy, water, rail, and mail into democratic public ownership is about giving local people agency over the resources they use. It’s about making sure these resources are sustainably produced and universally distributed in the interests of workers, communities, and the planet.
Beyond key utilities, a whole host of services and resources require investment, investment that local communities should control. That’s why, in 2019, we pledged to establish Regional Investment Banks across the country, run by local stakeholders who can decide—collectively—how best to direct public investment. Those seeking this investment would not make their case with reference to how much profit they could make in private, but how much they could benefit the public as a whole.
Bringing energy, water, rail, and mail into democratic public ownership is about giving local people agency over the resources they use. It’s about making sure these resources are sustainably produced and universally distributed in the interests of workers, communities, and the planet.
Beyond key utilities, a whole host of services and resources require investment, investment that local communities should control. That’s why, in 2019, we pledged to establish Regional Investment Banks across the country, run by local stakeholders who can decide—collectively—how best to direct public investment. Those seeking this investment would not make their case with reference to how much profit they could make in private, but how much they could benefit the public as a whole.
To democratise our economy, we need to democratise workplaces too. We can end workplace hierarchies and wage inequalities by giving workers the right to decide, together, how their team operates and how their pay structures are organised. If we want to kickstart a mass transfer of power, we need to redistribute wealth from those who hoard it to those who create it.
Local people know the issues facing them, and they know how to meet them better than anyone else. If we want to practice what we preach, then the same principles of democracy, devolution, and decentralisation must apply to our own parties as well. Local party members, not party leaders, should choose their candidates, create policy, and decide what their movement stands for.
Only a democratic party can provide the necessary space for creative and transformative solutions to the crises facing us all. In a world where the division between rich and poor is greater than ever before, our aim should be to unite the country around a more hopeful alternative—an alternative that recognises how we all rely on each other to survive and thrive.
Local people know the issues facing them, and they know how to meet them better than anyone else. If we want to practice what we preach, then the same principles of democracy, devolution, and decentralisation must apply to our own parties as well. Local party members, not party leaders, should choose their candidates, create policy, and decide what their movement stands for.
Only a democratic party can provide the necessary space for creative and transformative solutions to the crises facing us all. In a world where the division between rich and poor is greater than ever before, our aim should be to unite the country around a more hopeful alternative—an alternative that recognises how we all rely on each other to survive and thrive.
This alternative is not some abstract ideal to be imagined. It is an alternative that workers are fighting for on the picket line. Even before the nurses went on strike, 2022 was a record-breaking year for industrial action. Striking workers are not just fighting for pay, essential as these demands are. They are fighting for a society without poverty, hunger, and inequality. They are fighting for a future that puts the interests of the community ahead of the greed of energy companies. They are fighting for us all.
Their collective struggle teaches us that democracy exists—it thrives—outside of Westminster. The government is trying its best to turn dedicated postal workers and railway workers into enemies of the general public—a general public that apparently also excludes university staff, bus drivers, barristers, baggage handlers, civil servants, ambulance drivers, firefighters, and charity workers. As the enormous scale of industrial action shows, striking workers are the general public. 2022 will go down in history, not as the year the Tories took the public for fools, but as the year the public fought back. United in their thousands, they are sending a clear message: this is what democracy looks like.
Their collective struggle teaches us that democracy exists—it thrives—outside of Westminster. The government is trying its best to turn dedicated postal workers and railway workers into enemies of the general public—a general public that apparently also excludes university staff, bus drivers, barristers, baggage handlers, civil servants, ambulance drivers, firefighters, and charity workers. As the enormous scale of industrial action shows, striking workers are the general public. 2022 will go down in history, not as the year the Tories took the public for fools, but as the year the public fought back. United in their thousands, they are sending a clear message: this is what democracy looks like.
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