Skip to main content

Yes, “Socialism or Extinction” is exactly the choice we face

Extinction Rebellion leaders have dismissed the idea that protests for climate action have anything to do with “socialist ideology.” But refusing to take political positions — and to relate green politics to the interests of the social majority — will reduce environmentalism to an ineffective moral protest.

by Mark Montegriffo

Part 3 - For Clarity

But this also leaves XR open to other, dangerous influences. I was myself one of the admins behind Extinction Rebellion’s social media presence, and saw instances where activists, or individuals posing as activists, have disseminated eco-fascist propaganda. On occasion, we would receive messages asking whether this was official Extinction Rebellion material. Having to clarify that your group is not in favor of population control laws is probably an indication that the politics of the movement is not as clear as it could be.

The process of ideological and political clarity can develop over time for a movement, through internal and external forces. Internally, by methods of discussion and self-critique. Externally, through contact with other forces and groups in society.

This journey to clarity can be better understood if we imagine movements as having life cycles. Extinction Rebellion is young in age, not just in terms of many of its activists but also insofar as being a movement yet to reach maturity. It has a relatively global reach and identifies part of the existential destruction, which makes it relevant to its supporters.

It would be unfair to expect a movement with broad and populist ambitions to be born into a set of ideologically potent and coherent dogma. To reuse the comparison with Podemos and Five Star, some ideological openness is essential at the start in terms of bringing people on board. Having an activist milieu mobilized on “moral” grounds is not itself a bad thing — but it is certainly not enough in the long term.

While that initial ideological openness is arguably necessary, clarity must be an eventual goal. The analytic framework for arriving at that clarity must accept the existence of classes and social groups, where politically meaningful alliances can and must be made between them, and where interests are diametrically opposed to each other. From there, discussions about dealing with those class and social conflicts at a strategic level can fit in, such as the principle of nonviolence and the tactic of mass arrests.

For example, Hallam stressed in the Politics Theory Other interview that the treatment of protestors by the police is far worse in other countries than the UK. Even if this were true, this hardly makes the police potential allies. XR’s call for a nonviolent, “compassionate” attitude toward the police shows that there is a shortcoming in the understanding of the police, not only as the physical arm of the bourgeois state that has so far prevented climate justice, but also as institutionally racist. It should not even be needed, but these times are as good as any to revisit its ideological framework in the light of the Black Lives Matter movement and Extinction Rebellion’s relationship with working people of color.

For ecological politics isn’t just about “raising awareness” and thus exerting moral pressure. The giants of corporate capitalism have known of the extent of the climate crisis for years. We can already see that making the ruling class more aware of this crisis — and even the human suffering it has and will cause — has a decidedly limited effect.

The core assumption that the dominant can be “reasoned with” or “convinced,” be it by protests like the ones this week or awareness campaigns, has no grounding in experience. Similarly, trusting a randomly selected group of individuals to take action through a citizens’ assembly, should the CEE bill pass, seems distinctly insufficient.

Just as the “socialism or barbarism” phrase could be updated to “socialism or extinction,” so, too, should a nascent movement move from childhood to maturity. This begins with having a clear sense of political conflict — recognizing the need to find allies for a common struggle.

***

Source, links:


[1][2]


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Why the 2026 Iran War is the Death of Israel, Trump & the American Empire

Double Down News   For decades, the Western war machine assumed its high-tech hegemony was untouchable. Not anymore...    Related: Five reasons a war with Iran will mark the final fall of US empire

George Soros tried to get rid of Yanis Varoufakis because the neoliberal regime could not handle Greece and Ukraine simultaneously

globinfo freexchange In a recent interview at the Greek channel, Crete TV, the former Greek Minister of Finance, Yanis Varoufakis, made some interesting revelations. Among other things, he actually confirmed what the blog thought until now to be an exaggerated far-right conspiracy theory. He essentially confirmed that George Soros intervenes directly to political leaderships, substituting political institutions in Europe and elsewhere. Varoufakis said that, on June, 2015, George Soros tried to contact Alexis Tsipras via his own ‘channels’. In the interview, Varoufakis claims that he had no idea what Soros wanted to talk about. As Varoufakis also writes in his book Adults in the Room: My Battle with Europe's Deep Establishment, for years he has been falsely portrayed by the pro-troika establishment and the anti-Semitic Right as Soros’s stooge in Greece. Yet, Soros’s message to the Greek prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, came as a perverse vindication. ‘ Fire...

Όσοι περνάν των χώρα της απόγνωσης παθαίνουν αμνησία ...

globinfo freexchange Δανειστήκαμε αυτή τη φράση από ένα παλιό κομμάτι της Ελληνικής ροκ μπάντας "Τρύπες", για να περιγράψουμε με λίγα λόγια αυτό που φαίνεται να έχει πάθει η Ελληνική κοινωνία.  Πώς είναι δυνατόν μια ολόκληρη κοινωνία να έχει ξεχάσει ποιοι τη χρεοκόπησαν; Ποιοι έστησαν το άθλιο σύστημα των κρατικοδίαιτων 'ημέτερων' και της οικογενειοκρατίας; Ποιοι έσωσαν τις τράπεζες με πακτωλό δισεκατομμυρίων σε βάρος της μεσαίας τάξης; Ποιοι έκαναν τη μίζα και το ρουσφέτι επάγγελμα; Πώς είναι δυνατόν αυτή η κοινωνία να ετοιμάζεται να ξαναφέρει στην εξουσία ένα κομμάτι αυτού του άθλιου πολιτικού κατεστημένου, με την επιστροφή μάλιστα του αμετανόητα νεοφιλελεύθερου Κυριάκου Μητσοτάκη και της ομάδας του;   Η απόγνωση που έφεραν εννέα χρόνια βάρβαρων νεοφιλελεύθερων πολιτικών και σκληρής λιτότητας και που ανάγκασε τη χώρα να διαβεί τον εφιαλτικό μονόδρομο της μόνιμης χρεοκοπίας, πρέπει να έπαιξε σημαντικό ρόλο.  Διότι ως γνωστόν, η απελπισία...

An example of how the banking cartels control countries

the Greek case by SCH If we take a look at the Greek legislation, we can understand why the country is totally controlled by big private banks. According to the legislation concerning operating rules of the Primary Dealers selected in order to provide specialised services in the government securities market , one can read that: From article 1, paragraph1: as Primary Dealers are appointed institutions authorised as credit institutions or investment firms in a country which is a member of the European Union or authorised as such in another jurisdiction by a regulatory authority which, in the opinion of the Minister of Finance and the Governor of the Bank of Greece (hereinafter “the Competent Authorities”), imposes an adequate supervisory/investor protection regime . Primary Dealers are selected in order to provide specialised services in the government securities market, i.e., to participate in the syndications and auctions of Greek government securities in the primary mark...

Προβλέψεις ...

GR elections Update (15/9): Αναθεωρημένες προβλέψεις (μετά το δεύτερο debate): ΣΥΡΙΖΑ 28-30% ΛΑΕ + ΣΧΕΔΙΟ Β' κ.λ.π. 20-23% ΝΔ 11-13% ΧΑ 6-8% ΚΚΕ 5-5,5% ΕΝΩΣΗ ΚΕΝΤΡΩΩΝ 2,5-3% ΠΟΤΑΜΙ 2,5-3,5% ΠΑΣΟΚ + ΔΗΜΑΡ 3-4% ΑΝΕΛ 2,5-3,5% Update (11/9): Αναθεωρημένες προβλέψεις (μετά το πρώτο debate): ΣΥΡΙΖΑ 25-28% ΛΑΕ + ΣΧΕΔΙΟ Β' κ.λ.π. 20-23% ΝΔ 11-13% ΧΑ 6-8% ΚΚΕ 5-5,5% ΕΝΩΣΗ ΚΕΝΤΡΩΩΝ 3,5-4% ΠΟΤΑΜΙ 2,5-3,5% ΠΑΣΟΚ + ΔΗΜΑΡ 3-4% ΑΝΕΛ 2,5-3,5% Update (04/9): Αναθεωρημένες προβλέψεις: ΣΥΡΙΖΑ 23-25% ΛΑΕ + ΣΧΕΔΙΟ Β' κ.λ.π. 20-23% ΝΔ 12-15% ΧΑ 6-8% ΚΚΕ 5-5,5% ΕΝΩΣΗ ΚΕΝΤΡΩΩΝ 3,5-4% ΠΟΤΑΜΙ 2,5-3,5% ΠΑΣΟΚ 3-4% ΑΝΕΛ 2,5-3,5% Update (29/8): Αναθεωρημένες προβλέψεις: ΣΥΡΙΖΑ 23-25% ΛΑΕ + ΣΧΕΔΙΟ Β' κ.λ.π. 20-23% ΝΔ 12-15% ΧΑ 6-8% ΚΚΕ 5-5,5% ΕΝΩΣΗ ΚΕΝΤΡΩΩΝ 4-4,5% ΠΟΤΑΜΙ 4-4,5% ΠΑΣΟΚ 3-4% ΑΝΕΛ 2,5-3,5% Update : Αναθεωρημένες προβλέψεις: ΣΥΡΙΖΑ 26-27% ...

Trump PANICS As US Bases BURN & GROUND INVASION PLANNED!!

Secular Talk    

Jul 2018 picks

Retired US army colonel implies that a war with Iran could start with a Vietnam-type false flag operation Corporate media begin typical operations to make progressives comply with the establishment WikiLeaks paper shows France & UK pioneers behind Libya breakup Twitter under fire on European Commission hypocrisy to 'stand with the Greek people' IMF mafia ready to repeat the big crime in Argentina The financial system of chaos: no one can tell the 'when', 'where' and ‘how’ of the next financial meltdown Standard and Poor's 'coincidentally' upgrades the Greek economy after Greece expels two Russian diplomats Jill Stein, Jeremy Corbyn, Bernie Sanders: a continuously rising political triplet proves that Socialism unites generations The idiotic circus of terror leads us to the final collapse WikiLeaks paper reveals Ecuadorian private business elites declared war on Rafael Correa right after his election and asked for US support Ho...

Netanyahu Threatens Lebanon With Genocidal Mayhem

Owen Jones   Where is the media outrage?  

America's 250th birthday: The most divided yet?

Liu Xin   America is turning 250 years old, but this is no ordinary birthday celebration. National pride has hit a 25-year low, two rival celebrations are splitting the country, and the political and economic landscape is more fractured than ever.   In this episode of Pointcast, host Liu Xin sits down with Ben Norton, Editor-in-Chief of Geopolitical Economy Report @GeopoliticalEconomyReport, to unpack what's really going on beneath the surface of America's semiquincentennial. 

Η αβάσταχτη ελαφρότητα του αποκτηνωμένου Έλλην

του system failure   Θυμάμαι μια φράση που είχε ειπωθεί κάποτε σε κάποια εκπομπή της πάλαι ποτέ ποιοτικής ΕΡΤ, σχετικά με την επταετία της χούντας των συνταγματαρχών και το πως επέδρασε στον ψυχισμό του Έλληνα. 'Χάσαμε την αθωότητά μας', είναι η απόδοση αυτής της φράσης και μου φάνηκε τότε κάπως υπερβολικό, αλλά με τα χρόνια, κατάλαβα ακριβώς τι σήμαινε. Είναι δυνατόν, τα μόλις επτά χρόνια, έστω και ενός σκληρού καθεστώτος, να επηρεάσουν τόσο βαθιά τον ψυχισμό ενός ολόκληρου έθνους για δεκαετίες; Φαίνεται πως ναι.   Ο μέσος Έλληνας, που είχε συνηθίσει να υποπτεύεται τον οποιονδήποτε ως καταδότη του μαύρου καθεστώτος και άρα έπρεπε να προσέχει πως συμπεριφέρεται, αλλά και να αυτολογοκρίνεται, ανέπτυξε ανάλογα συμπεριφορικά μοτίβα και μετά την πτώση του καθεστώτος. Έγινε καχύποπτος με τον δίπλα του, αλλά και με το ίδιο το κράτος (όχι άδικα στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις), περιχαρακώθηκε γύρω από το μικρό του οικογενειακό βασίλειο και δεν ξαναβρήκε ποτέ αυτή τη "χαμένη αθωότητ...