UK trade department approved 34 military export licences to Israel in the two months since David Lammy announced a partial arms embargo, new data shows.
by John McEvoy
Part 4 - ‘Intriguing mystery’
Another key issue was the “carve-out” in Britain’s arms export licensing which allows F-35 fighter jet components to continue to be sent to Israel via third countries. Byrne described this exemption as an “intriguing mystery”.
Over 15% of every F-35 – Israel’s most advanced fighter jet – is made in the UK as part of a consortium led by US arms giant Lockheed Martin.
Declassified and The Ditch revealed last week that over 500 shipments of F-35 parts have been sent from Britain to the US since October 2023. Those components could then be onward exported to Israel and used to commit war crimes in Gaza.
Over 15% of every F-35 – Israel’s most advanced fighter jet – is made in the UK as part of a consortium led by US arms giant Lockheed Martin.
Declassified and The Ditch revealed last week that over 500 shipments of F-35 parts have been sent from Britain to the US since October 2023. Those components could then be onward exported to Israel and used to commit war crimes in Gaza.
The decision to keep sending F-35 components to global pools of spare parts has been the subject of a court challenge by Global Legal Action Network (GLAN) and Palestinian human rights organisation Al-Haq.
On 25 November, those organisations wrote to the UK government to confirm their intention to file an em
On 25 November, those organisations wrote to the UK government to confirm their intention to file an em
ergency injunction over the decision to exempt F-35 parts from arms suspensions.
In spite of this, Coaker informed the committee that there was “no particular appetite” for suspending the export of F-35 components to countries which supply the Israeli air force. He also said that the UK government was not conducting a review into this specific issue.
In spite of this, Coaker informed the committee that there was “no particular appetite” for suspending the export of F-35 components to countries which supply the Israeli air force. He also said that the UK government was not conducting a review into this specific issue.
To this end, Coaker was asked whether the UK government’s obligations to US arms giant Lockheed Martin, the prime contractor in the F-35 programme, superseded its own obligations to IHL.
“Nobody can fail to be moved by the horrific pictures we see on our televisions screens”, Coaker said.
“What we’re saying as the Ministry of Defence is…, alongside that horror, we also have to consider… the programme that the F-35 is part of… delivers peace and security in many parts of the world and defends our freedom”, he added.
Coaker did concede that the US government is able to track whether F-35 parts made in Britain end up in Israel. However, the UK government “has no ability to influence where they go”, one official noted.
“Nobody can fail to be moved by the horrific pictures we see on our televisions screens”, Coaker said.
“What we’re saying as the Ministry of Defence is…, alongside that horror, we also have to consider… the programme that the F-35 is part of… delivers peace and security in many parts of the world and defends our freedom”, he added.
Coaker did concede that the US government is able to track whether F-35 parts made in Britain end up in Israel. However, the UK government “has no ability to influence where they go”, one official noted.
“The only place where you can stop parts from entering the [F-35] programme is at the UK border”, Coaker added. “Once they go out they’re not our property”, but that of the US Department of Defense.
Ministers struggled to clarify how this is consistent with the UK government’s obligations under the UN Arms Trade Treaty, which states that arms must not be exported to a country when they could be used to “commit or facilitate a serious violation of IHL”.
Following the committee hearing, Byrne wrote to Alexander and Doughty to express his concerns about “the rationale for permitting exports of F-35 components in apparent conflict with UK obligations under the UN Arms Trade Treaty”.
He noted how “it is not clear to me or most members of the Committee that the UK is honouring its international treaty obligations in the matter of F-35 exports. There are, bluntly, significant questions in our minds, and I would be grateful therefore, for the fullest of explanations”.
Ministers struggled to clarify how this is consistent with the UK government’s obligations under the UN Arms Trade Treaty, which states that arms must not be exported to a country when they could be used to “commit or facilitate a serious violation of IHL”.
Following the committee hearing, Byrne wrote to Alexander and Doughty to express his concerns about “the rationale for permitting exports of F-35 components in apparent conflict with UK obligations under the UN Arms Trade Treaty”.
He noted how “it is not clear to me or most members of the Committee that the UK is honouring its international treaty obligations in the matter of F-35 exports. There are, bluntly, significant questions in our minds, and I would be grateful therefore, for the fullest of explanations”.
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