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Η Αριστερά και η Βενεζουέλα

του Κλάουντιο Κατς

Μέρος 6ο - Τα αιτήματα της «κριτικής Αριστεράς»

Η σοσιαλδημοκρατική άποψη αποτελεί το χαρακτηριστικό γνώρισμα της επείγουσας έκκλησης για ειρήνευση που υπέγραψαν πολλοί [Λατινοαμερικανοί, Ευρωπαίοι και Αμερικανοί, σ.τ.μ.] διανοούμενοι [με τίτλο “An urgent international call to stop the escalation of violence in Venezuela” -- «Επείγουσα διεθνής έκκληση για να σταματήσει η κλιμάκωση της βίας στη Βενεζουέλα», σ.τ.μ.]. Οι υπογράφοντες υποστηρίζουν μια διαδικασία ειρήνευσης, απορρίπτοντας τόσο την αυταρχική στροφή του τσαβισμού όσο και τη βίαιη στάση των δεξιών ομάδων.

Μιλούν για ισορροπία ώστε να ξεπεραστεί η πόλωση και χρησιμοποιούν μια γλώσσα πιο κοντινή σ’ αυτή των ξένων υπουργείων παρά σ’ αυτή των λαϊκών αγωνιστών. Ο τόνος της έκκλησης υποδεικνύει, εμμέσως, τη συμμόρφωση με τη θεωρία των δύο κακών. Προτείνει τη μέση οδό, εναντίον και των δύο άκρων. Όμως, αυτές οι ίσες αποστάσεις αναιρούνται ευθύς αμέσως λόγω της θεμελιώδους ευθύνης που καταλογίζει στην κυβέρνηση. Και δεν παραβλέπει απλώς τη δράση της Δεξιάς, αλλά και στον ιμπεριαλισμό αναφέρεται μετά βίας και παρεμπιπτόντως.

Το κείμενο αυτό προκάλεσε την έντονη απάντηση του REDN – του Δικτύου Διανοουμένων, Καλλιτεχνών και Κοινωνικών Κινημάτων προς Υπεράσπιση της Ανθρωπιάς («Who Will Accuse the Accusers? Statement in Defense of Venezuela» -- «Ποιος θα κατηγορήσει τους κατηγόρους; Μια δήλωση προς υπεράσπιση της Βενεζουέλας», σ.τ.μ.), η οποία υπογράφηκε από πολλούς διανοούμενους. Αυτή η κριτική ορθώς απέρριψε τη φετιχοποίηση του συμβατικού ρεπουμπλικανισμού και τόνισε την αξιοσημείωτη βαρύτητα των εξω-συνταγματικών δυνάμεων σε κρίσιμες καταστάσεις.

Η φιλελεύθερη υποτροπή των μετα-προοδευτικών [μεταμοντέρνων] ή των διανοητών της «κριτικής Αριστεράς» αναπαράγει αυτό που συνέβη με τους σοσιαλδημοκράτες γκραμσιανούς στη δεκαετία του 1980. Η εχθρότητα εκείνης ομάδας για τον λενινισμό και την κουβανική επανάσταση είναι συγκρίσιμη με τη σημερινή εχθρότητα για τον τσαβισμό. Ορισμένοι από αυτούς που υπέγραψαν την «έκκληση για ειρήνευση» έχουν περάσει και από τις δύο περιόδους.

Αλλά η παρούσα σοσιαλδημοκρατική παραλλαγή έρχεται πολύ αργά και στερείται της πολιτικής αναφοράς στην οποία συνέβαλε κάποτε το Ισπανικό Σοσιαλιστικό Κόμμα (PSOE). Η σοσιαλφιλελεύθερη στροφή του εν λόγω κόμματος έχει κατεδαφίσει πλήρως το αρχικό προοδευτικό του όραμα. Η σημερινή ορφάνια της σοσιαλδημοκρατικής παραλλαγής πιθανώς εξηγεί το ότι οι φορείς της ξανασυναντιούνται με τον παλιό φιλελευθερισμό.

Σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις, η εξέλιξη ετούτη αποτελεί μια κορύφωση της διαίρεσης που επηρέασε διακριτές παραλλαγές της αυτονομίας. Τη ρωγμή την προκάλεσαν οι θέσεις για την μπολιβαριανή διαδικασία. Όσοι επέλεξαν να ευθυγραμμιστούν με την αντιπολίτευση είναι καχύποπτοι απέναντι σε όσους «είναι δεμένοι με τον τσαβισμό».

Οι τελευταίοι όμως έχουν σκεφθεί σοβαρά τις πρότερες ανεπάρκειες και κατανόησαν την ανάγκη της πάλης για την κρατική εξουσία με σοσιαλιστικές προοπτικές που συνδέεται με τον λατινοαμερικανικό μαρξισμό.

Αντιθέτως, το άλλο τμήμα της αυτονομίας συνεχίζει να πορεύεται μέσα στην αμφισημία των γενικοτήτων περί αντι-πατριαρχισμού και κατά του εξορυκτικού μοντέλου της οικονομίας, χωρίς να προσφέρει κάποιο συγκεκριμένο παράδειγμα αυτού που προτείνει. Και καθώς απορροφάται από το φιλελεύθερο σύμπαν, οι αινιγματικές του έννοιες δεν εμπλουτίζουν πλέον την αριστερή σκέψη. Εν μέσω της αμνημοσύνης που επιδεικνύει για την ταξική πάλη και της σαγήνης που του ασκεί η αστική συνταγματικότητα, η αποκήρυξη του εξορυκτικού οικονομικού μοντέλου μετατρέπεται σε μια γραφική παραξενιά.

Πηγή, παραπομπές:


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